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Language minorities of Bithynia
The Wikipedia articles on Anatolian Bulgarians, English and Bulgarian, imply that Kızderbent was far away from the other settlements where Bulgarian was spoken. That’s why Bulgarians in Bulgaria became aware of the bulk of settlements in the 1860s, but Kızderbent was documented since the 1800s—and Shishmanov discusses Kızderbent in a separate chapter from the other settlements, as най-известното на европейците българско село в Мала Азия—”the most renowned European Bulgarian village in Asia Minor” (I think).
To test this out, I’m plotting the documented Bulgarian-speaking villages in Asia Minor on Google Maps. There are three listings:
- Kănchov’s list, from Wikipedia
- Dorosiev’s list, also from Wikipedia
- The list from Dimitri Shimshanov 2001. Необикновената история на малоазийските българи, Sofia: Пони—available online
I haven’t been able to identify all the villages with modern-day Turkey: some villages will have been renamed, or no longer exist. Moreover, the English Wikipedia makes a laudable effort to guess the Turkish spelling of the villages from the Cyrillic, but has made some mistakes.
So herewith the listing. Villages without an “Actual Turkish” entry, I have not been able to match with modern-day locations—although they are mentioned in Turkish in Pars Tuğlacı. 1984. Bulgaristan ve Türk-Bulgar ilişkileri. Cem. The identifications may not all be correct…
Cyrillic | Wikipedia Romanisation | Actual Turkish |
---|---|---|
North-Western Anatolia [Bithynia] | ||
Къз-дервент | Kız-Dervent | Kızderbent |
Коджа бунар | Kocabunar | Kocapınar |
Мандър | Mandır | Mandıra |
Гьобел | Göbel | Göbel |
Аладжа баир | Alacabair | Alacabayır |
Тьойбелен | Toybelen | Toybelen |
Ташкеси (Ташкесен) | Taşkesi | Taşkesiği |
Ново село (Йеникьой, Къзълджилар) | Yeniköy (Novo Selo) | Yeniköy |
Сьоют | Söüt | Söğüt |
Хаджи Паункьой | Hacıpaunköy | — |
Киллик | Killik (also Ikinlik) | Killik |
Чалтик | Çaltik | — |
Трама | Trama | — |
Мата | Mata | — |
Кубаш | Kubaş | Kubaş |
Юрен | Üren | — |
Читак | Çitak | — |
Çanakkale, Lapseki, Biga [Troad] | ||
Урумче or Дермендере or Дерменалан | Urumçe | Değirmendere |
Чатал тепе | Çataltaş (also Çataltepe) | Çataltepe |
Ново село (Чифлик) | Yeniköy [Çiftlik] | Yeniçiftlik |
Стенгелкьой | Stengelköy | “20 km from Kerem near Biga”—ancient Parium, Greek Kamares |
Маната | Manata | — |
Симавла | Simavla | — |
Байрамич | Bayramiç | Bayramiç |
This is the Google map. Kızderbent is in red, the Bulgarian villages in blue. For jollies, I’ve added in the Tsakonian villages of Bithynia in green. I’ve plotted two Greek villages I know of in yellow (Demirtaş = Demirdessi, and Başköy (Μπάσκιοϊ), one of the Pistikohoria group), but there were a whole lot more.
View Anatolian Bulgarians in a larger map
Kızderbent does seem to be a way away from the other Bulgarian villages, which can explain its isolation. The only exception is Yeniköy/Novo Selo, 58 km away—if I’ve got the right Yeniköy. (The name, “Newville” in Bulgarian and Turkish, is fairly generic.) Then again, Söğüt and Mandıra (Greek Μάντρα, “paddock”) look just as isolated.
Provided I’ve got the right Söğüt and the right Mandıra, of course.
The Trakatroukides and their language
This is a complicated story no matter how one tells it and from what vantage point, but I’ve put this off a few months too many. So, following on from the preceding post on the Trakatroukides, let’s take the story from the top. Again, thanks to Butcher of Yore for doing all the research.
After the Greek-Turkish war of 1919–1922 and population exchanges of 1924, thousands of refugees settled in Greece. These refugees were deemed Greek because they were Greek Orthodox, but they did not all speak a form of Greek. As I wrote at the Other Place, a good number of them spoke Turkish: over 100,000 first language speakers out of 1.3 million refugees—191,254 reporting Turkish as their language in the 1928 census (Google Books excerpt below), minus 84,669 indigenous Turks in Thrace (p. 17 of Featherstone & Papadimitriou’s presentation):
But language was not what the Ottomans or their subjects used to define identity.
The villages that were abandoned are now dwelled in by the Muslims that stayed, and one such village is Kızderbent, “Maidenpass”, in the region Greeks call Bithynia, 28 km away from Nicaea, which the Turks call İznik.
View Larger Map
The refugees from Kızderbent, who go by the name of Trakatroukides or Rokatzides, were scattered in Greece. There are two Facebook groups for refugees from the village (1, 2), and per this post on the second, most settled in Valtotopi, Kilkis prefecture; others ended up in the nearby villages of Ryzia, Gerakona, Fillyria, and Polypetro, but also further afield, in Nikomidino, Kallithea (Thessalonica prefecture), New Triglia (Chalkidike), and Roditis (Rodopi): this local newspaper article is on a get-together of the Rodopi Trakatroukides.
View Trakatroukides in a larger map
(Touchingly, the Greek Facebook page for those who have left Kızderbent links across to the Turkish Facebook page, for those who live there now.)
The Greek villagers of Kızderbent call it Κιζδερβέντ, Kizdhervent, and there is a copious variety of transliterations: Kizderved Kisderved Kizdervent Kisdervent Kizderbed Kisderbed Kizderbent Kisderbent.
And Къздервент. Because there’s something notable about the language of Maidenpass. It wasn’t Greek; or at least, it wasn’t just Greek. We have little left of their language—and I’d certainly never heard of it during my preoccupation with Balkan linguistics; but from the Motley Word, a site I reviewed a while back, we have some 500 words. (To see them all, click on Όλες in the interface.) A lot of the words are Slavonic, and a lot of the words are Turkish, and none are noticeably Greek. That could be a selection bias—the Motley Work lexicographer (who is still going!) may just be singling out the Slavonic and Turkish words. But from the evidence I’ve seen elsewhere (see the followup post), I doubt there’s a substantial amount of Greek vocabulary.
There was also discussion of the language of Maidenpass on a thread at Sarantakos’, which triggered this (and which I’ve already posted): the indication there was that there was no mutual intelligibility between Trakatroukika and Greek. From that thread, we also have a sentence of Trakatroukika, a song verse: tákar tákar ke priataláh duí sulísperi zebé khantúm
The indications are that the language of this village was somehow a mixture of Balkan Slavonic, and Turkish. At least one glancing mention, from the website of the municopality of New Triglia, implies Armenian was there as well, but I have not seen a direct confirmation. (I have seen something more indirect, on which see further down.) The Slavonic component is conventionally called Bulgarian, and certainly when Slavists visited Kızderbent in the 19th century, noone was making a distinction between Bulgarian and Macedonian; but there is at least one account saying the village was settled from Ohrid, and the language spoken in Ohrid is not now called Bulgarian.
The name the villagers went by, Trakatroukides, doesn’t give us much of a hint: as TAK anticipated in comments, it derives from traka truka, an onomatopoeia of firecrackers (as the Triantafyllidis dictionary gives it)—so “bang bang”. The onomatopoeia is also associated with grinding knives (carnival song: τράκα τρούκα τη μαχαίρα, a verse that has wandered into Rebetika referring to knives), and a children’s song about two steamships colliding (“The Greek boat has lemons. The Turkish boat has eggs. The boats go ‘bang gang’. The sea is avgolemono“).
The alternate name Rokatzides doesn’t help either: ρόκα means spindle or rocket, arugula (Italian rocca—hence also English rocket; or ruca). It’s tempting to associate “rocket” with “bang bang”, but I’d say that’s an anachronism—the association of spindles with rockets is late and Western.
The web site of New Triglia has this to say on the origins and language of the Trakatroukides of Kızderbent—the Bangbangers of Maidenpass:
There are three views on the founding of Kizdhervent. One claims that Greeks from Ohrid and Monastir [Bitola] migrated to Constantinople seeking a place to settle. The other opinion is that they did not migrate but were exiled because they robbed the nearby inhabitants. The third is that they were prisoners of Mehmed the Conquerer, who transported them to Constantinople and from there to Kis-Han, as he passed by Ohrid returning from Kroja. […]
Later on, because of the privileges the Sultan gave the area, Greek-speakers, Turkish-speakers, Armenian-speakers and Bulgarian-speakers settled the region, and that’s how Kizdhervent was created. The mixture of these peoples is also the reason why its peculiar language came about, spoken by no other village in Asia Minor. For that reason they were called Trakatroukides.
Their customs and religious habits are the same as other Greeks’, and their religion is Christian Orthodox.
The Bulgarian Wikipedia article has a somewhat different story, which is worth giving in detail:
Kăzdervent was the first village of Asia Minor Bulgarians attested by written evidence in the 19th century. [Accounts from 1807 on, almost all of which describe the village as speaking Bulgarian.]
According to stories by the Kăzderventsi the village existed in the 18th century, and is one of 12 villages donated by the Grand Vizier to a lady in the seraglio: she sold them to an Armenian banker, and he sold them back to the Turks one by one.
Konstantin Jireček later wrote of Kăzdervent, and inferred that they originated from Momim Prohod, since that is what Kăzdervent means in Turkish. According to Jireček (1899) the villagers “speak Turkish and half are already on the way to losing their nationality entirely.” Vasil Kănchov writes that the village had 440 houses, and believes that the Kăzderventsi were involuntary migrants from Ohrid.
At the end of the 19th century Kăzdervent was gradually Turcisised linguistically and Hellenised in national consciousness as a result of intermarriage and influence from other Karamanlides’ villages.
So we have in Kızderbent a village which spoke Bulgarian (or Macedonian Slavonic); which ended speaking something between Bulgarian and Turkish (somehow), and was notorious in its region for “talking funny”. (We have a report the Greeks and Turks in the area thought so; did the Bulgarians?) By 1914 however, the villagers did not consider themselves Bulgarians or Turks, but Greeks, and did not follow the Anatolian Bulgarians’ exodus from Turkey; they left Turkey with the other Greeks in 1922.
The history behind that is obviously complicated, and needs a separate post. Here, I’m going to pose some linguistic questions. I don’t have the answers (although I do hope someone who knows their South Slavic does go through the Motley Word list, and the language samples from the next post). For all I know, there have been Bulgarian studies of Trakatroukika; but I’ll speculate anyway.
The most important question is, what sort of a mixture was Trakatroukika? If the situation was something like the New Triglia article paints, with Armenians, Greeks, Turks and Bulgarians cohabiting—and no single language dominating, we might end up with a pidgin. Pidgins arise as contact languages all the time, between people in recurrent but not close contact. For such a pidgin to become the main language of a village though, it would have to make its way into the hearth. That would mean routine intermarriage (possible for the Greeks, Bulgarians, and Turkish-speakers if they were Christian too).
It would also only make sense if multilingualism was impractical. That happens on slave plantations perhaps, which is how pidgins become creoles. But it didn’t happen in Papua New Guinea, because the hearth can be multilingual; and although it may not now look like it, the peoples of the Balkans used to be multilingual as well. So the drastic breakdown of language which you get with pidgins—and the rebuilding you get with creoles—seem to me unlikely for Kızderbent. We’d know whether that had happened of course the minute a Slavist sees an actual sentence of Trakatroukika (like the one I pasted above). A pidgin or a creole would have very little left of the morphology of Bulgarian, and even less of its syntax.
True mixed languages, like Michif—the verbs are Cree, the nouns are French—are even more rare, more spectacular, and certainly more controversial. But they don’t result from language breakdown, but fluent multilingualism: enough villagers speak both languages that not only words, but grammar ends up seeping between the two. It’s worth noting that Wikipedia’s list is short, but includes Cappadocian Greek—because Cappadocian was not just borrowing words from Turkish, but vowel harmony and inflections: elements of the basic machinery of Turkish.
That said, mixed languages are rarely stable anyway, and at least some of them (I’d say including Cappadocian) are an attention-grabbing twist on language shift—language death, if you prefer. That’s certainly how Jireček read Kızderbent: their Bulgarian was mixed with Turkish, not because it was finding a new equilibrium, like Mbugu (Cushitic vocabulary, Bantu morphology) or Erromintxela (Romany vocabulary, Basque grammar). It was mixed because it was yielding to Turkish. Of course, if Trakatroukika really was like Michif or Erromintxela, Jireček may not have realised it, and I don’t know if we’d have enough data now to work it out. This was the time of duelling aphorisms on mixed languages (Müller 1875: “There’s no such thing as a mixed language”; Schuchardt 1882/83: “There’s no such thing as a completely unmixed language”), but linguistics was only starting to be sophisticated enough to realise a mixed language when it saw it.
A scenario like Cappadocian though makes sense, and I suspect (based on no real information) that that’s what happened in Kızderbent as well. The village language in SW Cappadocia has a Greek core, but is bilingual: several villages had both Muslim and Christian inhabitants (in one in fact the Muslims spoke Greek), and Cappadocia was also home to the Turkish-speaking Christian Karamanlides. The Greek-speaking villages themselves were shifting towards Turkish: the presence of Muslim Turks and/or Karamanlides made it that much easier. Because Turkish was gaining ground, and everyone was fluent in Turkish, there are more and more elements of Turkish grammar, and not just Turkish vocabulary, in the language the village spoke. In the Balkans, that same bilingualism meant that the grammars of the Balkan languages ended up looking fairly similar, even if their lexica did not. In Cappadocian, it was read—probably correctly—as a precursor to Greek yielding to Turkish correctly. Substitute Greek with Bulgarian, and what you get sounds plausible, at least.
To put the Cappadocian scenario in play in Kızderbent, it would help if we knew that the Turkish-speakers were on intimate terms with the Bulgarian-speakers. The Bulgarian Wikipedia (building on Kănchov? on that 2001 study on Anatolian Bulgarians?) thinks it was Karamanlides, who were Christian and so could intermarry. I think Bithynia is a bit too far West for Karamanlides, but obviously something Turcicised the Trakatroukides’ language.
Outside the main question, of how Trakatroukika actually worked, are the historical questions of what went into it. For starters of course, the question that Jireček and Kănchov worked on in their visits to the region: was Kızderbent’s Slavonic closer to Momim Prohod or Ohrid? (Or for all I know, a mixture of the two—although I presume these settlements were block moves and not mergers of multiple populations.) From the Bulgarian Wikipedia, I see we know a lot about Anatolian Bulgarian in general, and that it was mostly southern Bulgarian; it was possible to pinpoint some villages to particular towns—including Stengelköy, settled from “Kostur in Southwestern Bulgaria”. (The hyperlinked town on the page is Kastoria, now in Greece, and its Slavonic has not been called Bulgarian for a while; but there are a couple of Kosturs in Bulgaria as well, so I’ll assume lazy hyperlinking. 🙂
It’d also be worth checking whether there is actually any Armenian in the language mix, as New Triglia’s site hints. Bithynia is next door to Phrygia, and Phrygian is suspected of being related to Armenian—or a missing link between Armenian and Greek. Phrygia is a long way from the Armenian heartland, but Armenians did travel west during the Ottoman Empire; and the Wikipedia listing of Armenian dialects, from Acharian’s 1909 Classification des dialects arméniens, includes Nicomedia (İzmit) and İznik (Nicaea). So Armenian was spoken in Bithynia at the time (and there’s confirmatin next post too). The creation story of the village reported in the Bulgarian Wikipedia refers to Armenian involvement.
New Triglia also drops the hint of a Greek contribution, both in the four constituents of the village, and in its reference to “Greeks from Ohrid and Monastir”. (If your reaction is, “*what* Greeks from Ohrid and Monastir?”—well, hold that thought.) As mentioned, there is no evidence of mutual intelligibility with Greek, and the Motley Word lists don’t feature a single word that looks more Greek than Bulgarian and Turkish. The Motley Word is a Greek dialect wiktionary, so Hellenic words should have still been distinctive enough to include. (Of course there’s a selection bias, and I’ll come back to that.)
As a language of culture and trade (and the church), Greek had pervasive influence through the Balkans and into Asia Minor, including where Trakatroukika was spoken; and Greek was spoken by other communities in Bithynia:
- Danguitsis, C. 1943. Étude Descriptive du Dialecte de Démirdési (Brousse, Asie Mineure). Paris: G.-P. Maisonneuve.
- Δεληγιάννης, Κ.Π. 2002. Κουβουκλιώτικα: Το γλωσσικό ιδίωμα των Κουβουκλίων Προύσας. Αδελαΐδα.
From the Bulgarian Wikipedia again, we know both Turkish and Greek were encroaching on Anatolian Bulgarian in general, not just in Kızderbent: “Surrounded by many Greek and Turkish villages, the Bulgarians were forced to adapt and to learn the languages of the majority. According to the recollections of the older sons of Anatolians, almost all young and old settlers in Anatolia also used the Greek and Turkish languages, though many of them were illiterate.” But if Bithynian Greek had an effect on Trakatroukika, I suspect it would have been apparent to me by now.
And finally, “*what* Greeks from Ohrid and Monastir?” Well, that’s a messy question, and it’s best left for The Other Place, where I take all discussion of complications in what being Greek (or Bulgarian, or Macedonian) is about. You can probably already predict what I’ll say: the current Trakatroukides of Valtotopi or New Triglia identify as nothing but Greek—so they’re nothing but Greek. The indication is that they share a bloodline and a linguistic heritage with people who have never been Greek. And one must have a very restrictive notion of national identity, to think that a paradox.
Because of course in the 17th century, or whenever Maidenpass was settled by the Bangbangers, there was no Bulgarian or Macedonian or Greek identity as we now know it; there was just the millet-i Rûm of Orthodox Christians, which encompassed Greeks, Albanians, Bulgarians, Arabs and Romanians alike. People knew they spoke different languages (and very different dialects within those languages), but that was not how they defined themselves: that came later.
So yes, it may be wishful thinking to say that settlers from Ohrid in the 17th century were Greek—particularly as Greek that far north was an urban-only language, and Kızderbent is unlikely to have been settled by townsfolk. But if you’re going to deem them Bulgarian or Macedonian, and not just Slavonic-speaking, you’ll need a very big asterisk; and to their descendants, such an identification is irrelevant. (If you make it alive out of the argument over whether they were Bulgarian or Macedonian—which goes to show how immaterial the question was back then.)
How I found out about the Trakatroukides
This post has been put off for a long time, and its sequel even longer; but one of its protagonists has just asked for it here, so I will not put it off further. This is a translation of a derailed comment thread last October, over at the Magnificent Nikos Sarantakos’ Blog, through which I discovered the existence of the Trakatroukides of Kızderbent (Kizdervent, Κίζδερβεντ, Къздервент). Kızderbent is a village in Turkey which spoke “Trakatroukika”; Trakatroukika is reportedly a heavily Turkicised Bulgarian (possibly with Greek and Armenian elements). The villagers of Kızderbent considered themselves Greek, and their descendants now live in Greece.
There will be two or three followup posts with more detail that I can find about the village and its language, but I wanted to get this out to tide me over. I’d like to thank here the two protagonists of the thread:
- In the right corner, Cornelius (Κορνήλιος), the polytonicist linguistic reactionary gadfly of the blog—and as it turns out, the grandson of a Trakatroukika speaker. It’s worth noting, for those interested in Greek diglossia, that even if Cornelius is a linguistic reactionary, he can’t quite use Puristic for the Cause in 2010—which underlines how thoroughly Puristic has lost ground by now. (That he is under forty doesn’t help either.)
- In the left corner, A Butcher of Yore (Ένας Χασάπης Από Τα Παλιά). He’s a Butcher Of Yore because, like many other regulars at Sarantakos’, he used to be on the Hellas mailing list in the 90s, where his moniker was Abdullah the Butcher. Butcher of Yore has deep reserves of scholarship on Greek refugees, and I want to thank him for forcing me to look at the Trakatroukides more thoroughly than I intended to.
I’m going to translate the entire exchange, because it really did come out of nowhere, it went in several interesting directions (including whether it’s worth preserving languages), and it has some great pointers. Like I said, I’ll be supplementing this with more material in future posts (including links to a dialect lexicon, and to a conversation snippet on YouTube).
I’ve inserted some annotation in square brackets; I am editing out some of the ribbing and the language politics, because that would tread on sensitivities further than is necessary (including taking some linguists’ names in vain). But the thread is openly accessible (in Greek).
- #20 Cornelius: My grandmother calls jars κιούπι, and γκιούμι for metal vessels. Once a gang of antiquities smugglers was arrested, and I was watching it on the television with my grandmother. They were showing some amphorae and my grandmother said, “ah, we got plenty of them κιούπιa.”
- #21 Voulagx: Cornelius, do you know where γκιούμι comes from? I mean is it a Turkish word, Slavic, or something else?
- #22 Cornelius: I don’t know. My grandmother in her childhood spoke a language with Turkish, Slavic, Bulgarian, Greek words etc in it—and she was of Asia Minor descent, at that. They’d say mátska for cat and kokóska for hen and kútse for dog and ódzak for fire and sófa for couch. Quite unacceptable. How could I not become an admirer of the learnèd tongue after that? Fortunately my grandmother has almost forgotten that language. Her mother spoke it; her father spoke Greek, and was at war for 10 months and 10 years. Of such a generation do I long to be. My grandmother also uses the word ílem: I don’t know what it means, but I know how to use it instinctively.
[More on Cornelius teaching himself polytonic at 11.]
Also from a fairy tale my grandmother used to tell, I remember this song which was supposed to be spoken by a snail on a bridge while a cart went past. I don’t know what language it is or even if I’m breaking the words apart correctly:
tákar tákar ke priataláh duí sulísperi zebé khantúm - #22 Butcher Of Yore: Don’t say it so loud, Cornelius; no matter where you think your grandmother’s descent is from, Tremopoulos will deem you an Oppressed Macedonian, and then you’re in trouble! matska and kutse, he says—why Gruevski will be looking for you as a Grkoman example to avoid! 🙂
In all seriousness, if your grandmother’s mother was truly from Asia Minor, the only thing I can think of is that she was one of the Trakatroukides of Kızderbent. But there were very few of them.
Otherwise, should I presume her mother was a local Slavophone, and her father was from Asia Minor? - #24 (Me thanking Butcher for the information, and threatening Cornelius with posting about Trakatroukika)
- #25 Butcher Of Yore: Well someone should work on the Trakatroukides before their language dies out (as with the speakers of Cappadocian, Propontis Tsakonian, etc.) Beyond the aforementioned municipality in Chalcidica, you can also head towards Polykastro in Kilkis and find them there.
They’re organised: [Facebook group], and there’s a thesis on them. [NN: More links in following posts] - #27, #29, #44 (Me burbling further on what I found on Wikipedia, including the claim that they were Bulgarians) [More on that in following posts too]
- #31 Nikos Sarantakos: (γκιούμι ~ γκιουγκιούμι < Turkish güğüm < Greek κουκούμι(ον) < Latin cucuma) So what is the word? Greek, Latin, Turkish? It turns out to be common property.
- #33 Voulagx: Sarant, it was an honest question, because we also call it γκιούμι in Aromanian (giumi-a, where -a is the feminine article). I like “common property”, but you’re making me wonder: what if the partners start arguing about their percentage of ownership? Thank you.
- #34 SophiaOik: Cornelius, I suspect you’re trying to trick everyone with your grandmother; it’s not as if those parts had so large a population, or were fertile enough, for us to bump into their descendants as easily as that.
- #40 Cornelius: I’m not tricking anyone, I’m telling the truth, and she probably was a Trakatroukis, because I have heard it said, that they spoke “trakatroukika”.
- #44 #45 #46 (Me and Cornelius about me posting about Trakatroukika)
- #48 Cornelius: I used to note whatever my grandmother remembered of that language in a notepad, but where might it be? I’ll ask my grandmother when I go to the village on a weekend. They had two versions of “fish”, balúk and ríba. My mother says that my great-grandmother never learned Greek; so when she would go as a child to my great-grandmother’s village, her grandmother, she must have learned some words; but she doesn’t remember them. But I found this [a lexicon at the Motley Word site], and I think I remember ókhtse, I must have noted it in the notepad.
- #49 Cornelius: In fact they came from the region around Nicomedia to Greece. [Kızderbent is near İznik, Greek Nicomedia.] First they took them to Komotini. [NN: Some Trakatroukides still live in Roditis, 5 km from Komotini.] But my great-grandfather did not want to see mosques, they were sick of them from Asia Minor, and they moved on. It’s all so fitting for me now!
- #50 E-fufutos: You’re carrying such an imperial treasure with you, and instead of preserving it, you exorcise it with caricatures of the Ancients? Haven’t you heard stories of aunts (like mine or “the Aunt From Chicago”), who thoughtlessly threw out their grandmothers’ furniture, carved from massif wood, to buy fake European stuff out of plywood, only to regret it now?
I hunt after things like that, maybe because I feel the lack more intensely. My folk have their peculiar origins hidden more deeply. - #51 Maria: Cornelius, if your great-grandmother didn’t speak Greek, then your grandmother must have spoken Trakatroukika. She can’t have needed an interpreter to communicate with her.
- #52 Cornelius: Anyone can consider whatever they want to be a treasure. I don’t consider the leftovers of Ottoman Rule and Bulgarians a treasure. What I consider a treasure are Doric lexical remnants still surviving in the mouths of illiterate villagers. As for old furniture, they are my weakness after old books.
- #52 SophiaOik: I wouldn’t say they’re an imperial treasure, because their vocabulary would be limited to everyday objects with few abstract notions. Such a mixture might have linguistic interest, but such halfway languages seldom survive long, because they have few speakers and are not spoken outside the group that creates them. If Cornelius works on linguistics, he might write a couple of papers on it, maybe even a PhD. If not, he need not feel guilty.
- #54 Nick Nicholas: Let’s lay off people: all treasures end up faded and ignored. If someone doesn’t want to be a hostage to his heritage, well, we have to respect that. I do it too, and all of us who are modernised do. If he prefers grave accents [referring to Cornelius and the polytonic], good for him. I prefer English, after all. [By which I meant, I don’t feel an atavistic obligation to use the language of my forefathers in my everyday dealings.]
I remember a talk on remedies and folk botany in Indonesia in my linguistics department. All us westerners were saying how cute and picturesque it was. But the Indonesian student was irritated: he did not come to the West from Aceh to keep hearing about primitive nonsense. And of course he was under no obligation to stay “picturesque”.
But Cornelius kept a notepad and submitted entries to the Motley Word. [I was wrong about the latter.] I’m hardly going to tell him off; quite the opposite. - #55 Butcher Of Yore: Well, I’ve impressed myself with my correct guess on where Cornelius’ great-grandmother was from. See what obsessing with the Macedonian Issue does to a Southern Greek? Admittedly the Trakatroukides had particularly impressed me when I first found out about them. I’m curious to hear if they really did also have Armenian linguistic antecedents.
Of course the Bulgarians consider them all their own, Nick 🙂 —they consider the Slavic-speakers of the Albanian Prespa lakes Bulgarians too. (And some though not all of them do call themselves Bulgarians, as their great-grandfathers did.) The same goes for the (Muslim) Gorani of Kosovo. The Bulgarians would even issue them with passports, at least until recently.
But if you’ve read about Vasil Kanchov [who had researched the Bulgarians of Asia Minor], you immediately realise that these populations had been placed into the game of Balkan nationalisms, since Basil was the ethnographer par excellence of Bulgarian nationalism. (And his work was quite detailed—Lithoxoou treats him as a saint.) So politically Bulgaria clearly tried to stamp them as her own, to use them as a minority, either as leverage and a pressure point, or as a population to exchange (as largely happened). Somewhat like how Rumania used the Rumanian-identifying Vlachs (since there was of course no possibility of advocating for a Rumania reaching the Aegean). [See “Awakening of the Aromanian identity and Romanian sponsorship “]
What’s interesting to research further is whether the enmity between the Patriarchate and the Exarchate [which marked the ecclesiastical starting point of Bulgarian nationalism] had spread further from Macedonia, Thrace and Constantinople to Bithynia [the region of Kızderbent], and how extreme or even violent it ended up as in Asia Minor. It’s not impossible that those who left for Bulgaria were already pro-Exarchate, and those who stayed behind and were expelled [to Greece] with the population exchanges were pro-Patriarchate—meaning, the national/ecclesiastic split in the Ottoman Balkans had also passed to Asia Minor.
Trakatroukika have unfortunately gone down the road of all the remaining dialects and languages of the Greek people, though given the small number of its population and its scattering in Greece, it is closer to dying out than the other dialects and languages. It would be good for it to be studied and recorded; I don’t consider it practical to revive it at this late stage, nor do I think it desirable, if it will only be promoted by certain activists, and the majority of the descendants of the Trakatroukides are indifferent to it. But we owe it to the tradition of our people not to let the recollections of local idioms and their treasures be lost entirely—the more so when they are particularly unusual.
[…]
Cornelius, seriously, gather whatever you can preserve. From my grandfather’s Andriote Arvanitika, I can only vaguely remember some curse words (because that’s the only time he’d use it), and I am unhappy about it. - #56 Cornelius: I am not denying my heritage, nor am I acting modernised. And don’t think I want those words and their meaning to be lost permanently from people’s memory. When I was noting them in my notepad I thought with some degree of melancholy that one day there would be noone alive who had heard those words used. But that’s one thing, and grave accents are another. Trakatroukika can’t be an official language or a language of literature.
- #59 Nick Nicholas: True, the idiosyncratic language mixture of one village can’t be an official language. (Of course, Puristic was an idiosyncratic mixture too, but never mind.) But a formal language becomes such through extra-linguistic circumstances. I mean, if we could accept 150 years of Puristic, under different circumstances we could have ended up with an official Trakatroukika.
So long as we weren’t obsessed with grave accents. [i.e. prioritising continuity with Ancient Greece.] But that’s an extralinguistic factor too. - #60 Languagelust: balúk (balık) and ríba (риба)! The first Turkish, the second Slavic. You’re giving us these one by one, Cornelius!
- #76 E-Fufutos: I don’t believe that languages, dialects and idioms that have started heading towards oblivion should be preserved in formaldehyde at all costs, either, just so we don’t get called nationalists, or for reasons of folklore. If the speakers themselves are reluctant and it doesn’t sit with them, we should let things develop on their own. You have to like something to want to retain it.
…
I also have relatives with some Arvanite roots, and nothing has survived, not even a recollection from a grandmother or a great-grandfather who used to speak Arvanitika proverbs; and I consider that natural. - #77 Angelos: We should not keep it alive with a respirator and an artificial kidney. But we should preserve it in formaldehyde, like we would piously preserve a mammoth if we found it close to death in Siberia, dying in our hands. Not “just so we don’t get called nationalists, or for reasons of folklore”. But because every manifestation of the human phenomenon par excellence we call language is interesting and worth recording.
And if Trakatroukika are indeed a “mixture” of Bulgarian, Turkish, Greek and Armenian (and not just a South Slavic dialect which has absorbed a lot of Turkish, Greek and Armenian words), it would be a very rare if not unique linguistic phenomenon. That’s one more reason to record and study it to the extent it is still spoken (if indeed it is at all), even if it’s just ten old ladies. - #78 Cornelius: I asked my grandmother today and she told me that ókhtse was the word for a big sheep, and a small sheep was called kuzía.
TLG Updates, May 2010
The TLG has just released the latest updates to its text collection. This is what has been added, from the oldest to the most recent texts, with Early Modern Greek texts separate:
- Philodemus (i BC): On Anger (ed. Indelli, 1988)
- Philodemus is a Hellenistic philosopher, who we know about mainly thanks to Mt Vesuvius, carbonising Pompeii and Herculaneum and everyone in it—as well as a library full of papyri. Papyri that have made it to our day in the optimal conditions of Egypt are still more bitty and fragmentary than we’d like; and carbonised papyri are not preserved in optimal condition. Their preservation is especially suboptimal because they were first discovered and read under 18th century technology rather than 21st century—which meant scalpels rather than X-rays, and the leaves of papyrus turning to dust as they were being copied out.
There is an ongoing project to reedit Philodemus, including the papyri that were copied back then (and for which the 18th century copies are sometimes better witnesses than the modern-day remnant), and the papyri that couldn’t be (and that modern technology can now get to). The major texts recently published have been On Piety and On Poems. This text, On Anger, presents a papyrus in a poorer state: something like 7,000 words’ worth, some of which are even legible. - Hesychius Illustrius (vi AD): Life of Aristotle (Vita Menagiana) (ed. Düring, 1957)
- Hesychius of Miletus was an historian much of whose work was lost, though his biographical dictionary has substantially contributed to the Suda. The Life of Aristotle first published by Gilles Ménage in 1663 is anonymous; Düring associated it with Hesychius.
- Constantine Manasses (xii AD): Hodoiporikon (Guidebook) (ed. Horna, 1904)
- An account of the historian’s mission to Jerusalem and back, pursuing diplomacy through marriage between Byzantium and the crusader states. For more on the text, see Aerts, W.J. 2003. A Byzantine Traveller to one of the Crusader States. In Ciggaar, K.N. & Teule, H.G.B. (eds), East and West in the Crusader States. Peeters. 165–222.
- Constantine Harmenopulus (xiv AD): Hexabiblos (ed. Heimbach, 1851)
- Harmenopulus (or Armenopoulos) wrote the Hexabiblos (The Six Volumes), which was the final major compendium of Byzantine Law, which itself was a continuation of Roman Law—as witnessed by the undigested Latin expressions that pervaded it. (Yes, even more so than in English-language law.) As the final major compendium, it was much more accessible than its forebears, and has served as a starting point for many historians since. It also served as a foundation of Ottoman law—and of the civil code in the Modern Greek State until 1946.
- Anonymous works on Church Music (xiv–xvi AD): Anonymous questions and answers on the interval signs (Ἀκρίβεια) (ed. Schartau, 1998)
- This is a treatise on Byzantine musical notation (a topic I have already written an 11 MB PDF on), and the notation it talks about is recognisably the notation used now. The treatise includes examples of the notation as used; but like other early treatises, it isn’t really a Teach Yourself manual. To this day textbooks defer on the subtler inflections of Byzantine music to the instruction of your local cantor.
- Andronicus Callistus (xv AD): Monody on Unfortunate Constantinople (ed. Pertusi, 1976)
- “Yet all this is gone, and now, alas, the queen has become a slave. O, how can one narrate her suffering? It was daytime, but darkness and gloom for the City, and sudden war flowed into the City from land and brine; and the Impious One throws projectiles against the walls with machines, and it falls to the ground in many places, and he rushes against the City bearing a heavy hand.”
- George of Trebizond (xv AD): Letter to Mehmed II on the Christian faith (ed. Pertusi, 1976)
- “For these reasons have I dared write to Your Majesty concerning your eternal and wondrous glory. And you, most golden emir, do receive these letters gladly, which I have written in a simpler tongue, so that they may be more easily translated by your people into the sunlike and most bright dialect of the Turks, whose sweet-sounding and succinct words, whose boldness and virility of pronunciation is attested by all who have tasted it. For I believe that this speech translated may be of some benefit.”
The circumstances of the letter are discussed in Monfasani’s 1976 biography of George—with an ingenious explanation of the millenarian thinking that made George attempt to make a Christian of Mehmed (the “Impious One” of Andronicus Callistus).
- Belthandros and Chrysantza (xiv AD?) (ed. Egea, 1998)
- This vernacular romance (aka Velthandros and Chrysantza) has the distinction of being the only example of its kind to have its own English Wikipedia page (for now).
- Libistros and Rhodamne (xiv AD?): Vatican manuscript redaction (ed. Lendari, 2007)
- This is the second of three surviving redactions of this romance (and we know that there were other copies which have disappeared). Redaction α, representing most surviving manuscripts, was included in the preceding update.
- Father Synadinos (xvii AD): Chronicle of Serres (ed. Odorico, 1996)
- This is an important text—although I obtained it too late to use for my thesis, and therefore to get properly familiar with it. It is a vernacular chronicle of a provincial Macedonian town, and is one of the few extensive pieces of vernacular we have from the mainland at all for that time. It is also an important early witness of the dialect of Greek Macedonia. In fact the blog I’ve linked to—though emphatically on the Hellenic side of the fence—notes that the surnames in the Chronicle are all Greek, yet in recent history Synadinos’ native village had become Slavic-speaking, so populations had kept moving during the Ottoman Empire.
The chronicle has another reason for mattering to me: the linguistic commentary to Odorico’s edition was written by the late Tassos Karanastassis. - Laments on the Fall of Constantinople (xv, xix AD) (eds Pertusi, 1976; Lampros, 1908; Zoras, 1955)
- The final collection in this update is of anonymous vernacular laments written about the Fall of Constantinople, taken from an edition by Pertusi; it is supplemented by two vernacular laments published by other scholars.
The laments were written within the timeframe of 1453; but the end of Rhomania kept casting a shadow over the Christians who identified with it, and it remained a topic of folk song. These folk songs were important in the nation-building of Modern Greece (as Herzfeld has analysed in Ours Once More), and every Greek schoolchild has read the song:Σημαίνει ὁ Θιός, σημαίνει ἡ γής, σημαίνουν τὰ ἐπουράνια,
God strikes, the Earth strikes, and the Heavens strike.
Hagia Sophia strikes, the great cathedral,
with two and sixty bells, four hundred prayer blocks.The better-read will also know the laments that were recorded in Pontic folk song:
Μὴ κλαίς, μὴ κλαίς, ἅϊ Γιάννε μου, καὶ δερνοκοπισκᾶσαι.
Ἡ Ρωμανία ’πέρασεν, ἡ Ρωμανία ’πάρθεν.
Ἡ Ρωμανία κι ἂν ’πέρασεν, ἀνθεῖ καὶ φέρει κι ἄλλο
Cry not, St John, and beat your breast not so.
Rhomania’s time has passed; Rhomania’s fallen.
Rhomania’s passed; it buds, and bears a new one.Τὴν Πόλην ὅνταν ὥριζεν ὁ Ἕλλην Κωσταντῖνον,
εἶχε πορτάρους δίκλωπους, ἀφέντους φοβετσάρους,
εἶχεν ἀφέντην σερασκέρ’ τὸν μέγαν Ἰωάννην.
When Constantine the Hellene ruled the City,
his lords were scared, his gatekeepers were two-faced,
and John the Mighty was his general.Ὁ ἥλιον πάει ’ς σὴν μάνναν ἀτ’ μαυρομελανιασμένον.
Φέρει καὶ τραπεζώνει ἀτον γάλαν καὶ παξιμάτιν,
ὁ πρόσωπος ἀτ’ ’κὶ γελᾷ, ἀπολογιὰν ’κ’ ἐδῶκεν.
The Sun goes to his mother, black and blue.
She brings him milk and serves him rusks to dine on.
His face won’t smile, and he gives no reply.It turns out that Pertusi has included a selection of these folk songs in his collection. Which means the TLG now includes Pontic. (And I have to worry about morphologically analysing it.)
Chronicle of Hippolytus
This has not been one of the major reasons for my latest blog detox, but I’ve become involved in a translation project, which has cost me a few evenings and will cost me a few yet.
Tom Schmidt has worked on a translation of Hippolytus’ Chronicle—a text I’d already noticed in my TLG work because of its morass of unknown proper names. I’ve helped Tom revise the translation, and he has just posted the second edition on his blog. There will be a third edition sometime over the next couple of months, which will deal with why I was interested in the text in the first place. And somewhere in there, there will be Cool Google Earth tricks.
Let me take things from the start.
Hippolytus’ Chronicle was written in 235 AD. Chronicles as we know them are informal bits of history, assembled around the scaffolding of reigns of kings, and plot synopses of the narrative from Genesis up to the Roman Empire. Hippolytus provides some of that scaffolding, from the Biblical side, as one of the first Christian forays into writing history: lists of high priests, judges, the begats of Adam and Abraham, and the list of the 70 peoples dispersed at Babel (with some post-Genesis interpretations of who those peoples had ended up as).
The list is garbled from the Septuagint in places: in fact the second redaction of the chronicle, written a century later, corrects some of the garblings. But the chronicle (in its slightly corrected variant) was enormously influential: its lists turn up at the beginning of tens of chronicles, in Greek, Latin, and Armenian. In fact these later copies help us reconstruct the original text, since the surviving text closest to Hippolytus’ original, the Madrid manuscript, still has gaps in it.
The Madrid manuscript also includes a text absent from all other versions: a mariner’s guide to sailing the coast of North Africa, and a (possibly distinct) guide to Syria, Asia Minor, Cyprus, and Crete. This text is known as the Stadiasmus or Periplus Maris Magni: “The Measurement In Stades, Or Circumnavigation Of The Great Sea, videlicet, The Mediterranean.”
The Periplus is not attributed to Hippolytus, and indeed it may not even have been Hippolytus himself who included it in the chronicle text. But someone saw its huge list of place names, and thought it would fit right in with Hippolytus’ begats and lists of peoples. It was published by Müller in 1855, before Hippolytus’ Chronicle proper, but the text is still included in Helm’s 1955 edition.
As you can see from our rendering (or the Latin or Greek in Müller’s edition), the Periplus lavishes attention on every little nook of the African coastline: its approach to Asia Minor is more summary, which is why Helm thinks it conflates two separate itineraries. But as the discussion in the Barrington Atlas explains, its excruciating detail is not because sailing North Africa was a pleasure cruise. The route had huge commercial importance, and Egypt was still the breadbasket of the empire; but the coast was sparsely populated, dangerous, and parched. That’s why the Periplus spends so much attention on where to find water. And why mariners had to know the tertiary (III) meaning of the adjective πλατύς: πλατὺ ὕδωρ was not “broad water”, but “brackish”.
Hippolytus’ Chronicle attracted my attention in my TLG work, because I’m ever on the lookout for unfamiliar proper names, and the Chronicle has them aplenty, between every single port in North Africa, and the twisted tribal names of the Caucasus or Libya. (Hippolytus’ Taramantes are the Garamantes, for example: tau looks a lot like a gamma.) So I was eager to help out with working the names out, with reference to the secondary literature: the Barrington Atlas, Smith’s much older (but freely online) Geographical Dictionary, and Müller’s edition—which was much bolder than Helm in meddling with the Periplus’ placenames, to match Ptolemy and Strabo.
The version we’ve just put up has not done that work yet: in fact you can tell where I left off footnoting. It’s a big job, with several sources to check, and we didn’t want to hold off making it available until it was perfect. That’s not the way publishing works on the Intertubes, after all: early feedback is good, and all that. We will go back over the place names in the next month or so.
The major task in doing that will be to reconcile the placenames of the Periplus with the persistent identifiers of the Pleiades project, drawn from the Barrington Atlas, which is how we’ll find the canonical form of the place names. (More on those identifiers here and here.) That way—to reconcile my day job with my other vocations—we can harness URIs to draw references from classical texts into the Semantic Web, and the other goodies that the Web now makes possible. Such as plotting the Periplus onto Google Earth. (Cf. the geocoded Bible on Openbible.info.)
But that’s for the next month or so; the place names are still left buggy for now, but any and all feedback is welcome. Please leave comments over at Tom’s blog if you do have feedback.
GTAGE: We have removed him John
The Golden Treasury of Anglo-Greek Expressions (GTAGE) at slang.gr (see my pretext for this thread) begins with the enigmatic syntax of the following idiom:
we have not seen him yet, and we have removed him John: ακόμα δεν τον είδαμε, Γιάννη τον εβγάλαμε.
The actually meaning of the phrase is rather more transparent: “we have not seen him yet, [but] we have [already] named him John”. It’s said to refer to rushing to conclusions, assessing an outcome before all the facts are in.
But what I have translated as “named” really is literally “removed”. Why is naming associated with removing?
What’s actually happened of course is that the verb βγάζω is used more generally than “remove”. This can be explained through an underlying difference between Greek and English: βγάζω does not mean just to take something out of a set; it also means to put that something into a bigger set. Not just “remove from”, but “expose to”; not just “take out from”, but “put out to”.
English doesn’t make that conflation, which is why the GTAGE translation can use remove incorrectly. You can βγάζω εφημερίδα, which is to put out a newspaper (publish it), whereas βγάζω την εφημερίδα with the definite article would be taken as taking out the newspaper (remove it physically). English does allow you to take someone out (e.g. to dinner); but that’s always about accompanying someone into public view. The corresponding idiom in Greek is να σε βγάλω στην κοινωνία “to put you out into society”—to make them aware of the ways of the world.
Putting something out means exposing it to the world, which means making it known to the world. And the main way of making something known is by giving it a name for the world to use. The fuller expression for “naming someone” is τού έβγαλα το όνομα Γιάννης, “I put out for him the name John”. The point of naming is not that I have something to call John by; it’s publishing the name, so that the rest of the world has something to call him by too. The expression has been compacted into the small-clause ditransitive you see, τον έβγαλα Γιάννη “I put him out John”—i.e. “I published him (to be) John”, just like “I painted him (to be) white”.
The same notion of “putting out” as public knowledge can be seen in:
He/she took them out arseholes: Τους έβγαλε μαλάκες
This is not quite “he named them arseholes” (though it can mean that too); but it is “he put them out (to be) arseholes”, “he publicised them (to be) arseholes”. The sense here is “proved them (in public) to be”; we dodge the “naming” sense here, because “arseholes” is not a name, it’s a description, and descriptions put out in public have to be proved to be accepted.
The same principle motivates the expression μη με βγάλεις ψεύτη, “don’t put me out (to be) a liar”, “don’t prove me a liar”: namely, “don’t make it a commonly accepted judgement that I am a liar”. The expression corresponds to English don’t let me down. The premiss is that I have publicly sung your praises as a person able to see something through; you should “not make the public think I was lying”, by not living up to those expectations.
So we have names being put out, and descriptions being put out; but putting out the name of someone means something different again:
Eye-removal beats name-removal: Κάλλιο να σου βγει το μάτι παρά το όνομα
Literally, “Better that your eye be put out than your name.” The expression is playing with the double meaning of βγάζω, because βγάζω το μάτι σου really does mean removing someone’s eye. What does putting out the name of someone mean? It can’t be giving someone a name: the definite article implies this is not a newly coined name (it’s not: “than that someone makes up a name for you”).
This context is more obscure, but “name” here stands in for “reputation”: people with a good or bad reputation are said to have a good or bad name (καλό, κακό όνομα). Which makes sense, since the name is the public label for the person, and is what public judgement of the person is attached to. “To have a name put out” means to get a reputation, to have one’s name put out in circulation for public judgement. And in closed societies, having one’s name put out for public judgement is not normally a good thing.
… Did you work all that out? Or, to quote GTAGE,
Have you removed edge; Έβγαλες άκρη;
Surprisingly perhaps, we’re back to “taking out”, rather than “putting out”. The image is of a complicated shape, standing in for the problem, which the person is trying to work out. Working out the shape means extricating its edges from the jumble: not necessarily removing them physically from the jumble, but distinguishing them—removing them conceptually. The corresponding phrase in English, though with a slightly different image, is get to the bottom of this.
Although getting to the bottom of things is a responsibility not everyone is eager to undertake, if they have to live with the consequences:
Will I extract the snake from the hole; Εγώ θα βγάλω το φίδι από την τρύπα;
For a change, the translation is straightforward. It makes it to GTAGE because it’s an image unfamiliar from English, but the image is clear: getting the snake out of the hole is to the public benefit of the farmworkers, otherwise the snake could strike them at any time. But the speaker doesn’t want to be the one to have to do it; and the inclusion of the personal pronoun is emphatic. (“Will I have to get the snake out of the hole?”)
If you don’t live up to your expectations, though,
I don’t have face to exit in society: Δεν έχω πρόσωπο να βγω στην κοινωνία
This unintentionally makes sense in English, because English borrowed from Chinese the concept of “face” as public reputation. Greek does not use πρόσωπο in that way as much, but this template of putting one’s face out in public as confidence does turn up elsewhere; a variant of the expression is με τι μούτρα θα βγεις την κοινωνία; “with what sort of a face will you go out into society”, using the vulgar word for “face”.
The verb is not βγάζω “take out, put out”, but the related βγαίνω “go out”, though with the same kind of ambiguity GTAGE exploits for βγάζω: going out of a place (exiting), vs. going out in public. “Face” here is used as a vehicle of shame: if a person is embarrassed, their face will be blushing, and will give the person’s shame away. It will not be a face that one can get away with showing in public, “that one can go out with in society”. I’m assuming the concept of blushing is behind the Chinese notion of Face as well.
Mariupolitan transcribed through Russian ears
Challenging people on what phonemes they’re hearing, when they’re analysing a language: that’s thankless stuff. There are subtle continua of phonetics, and if you’re actually doing this kind of thing for a living, you rely on spectrograms and electropalatograms, with chocolate paste to tell where your tongue is actually moving. One’s ears? They hear what they’re used to hearing, and fail to hear what they’re not used to hearing.
I’m biased in saying so, I have to admit, because I have a tin ear. My experiences of trusting my ear have gone badly. I did a phonetics assignment as an undergrad on establishing the phonology of a random language. I picked Cantonese. Easy choice given the demographics of Melbourne University Engineering (as opposed to Arts); insane choice for linguistics. Has anyone settled on how many tones Cantonese has? I checked, and the model of Cantonese I came up with had very little to do with any reality; my model was still exhaustively enough argued to get a good mark, regardless.
Which is how science works.
Even worse was the beginning lecture of of Field Methods, when I had to transcribe unreleased stops. Unreleased stops. Cantonese had them too. I mean, what’s the point of unreleased stops when the release is the only way to hear the difference. What a daft thing to do to the listener.
I should… come to the subject at hand though, shouldn’t I. My topic is the phonetics of Mariupolitan, and how it is reflected in its orthography.
There is scattered work on Mariupolitan: Solokov’s and Sergievskij’s 1930s studies, work by Chernyshova and Beletskij in the ’50s and ’60s, which I can’t check halfway across the Pacific from my library; Zhuravliova’s 1982 thesis and work in the early ’90s, published in the Studies in Greek Linguistics series; and finally the grammar by Symeonidis and Tombaidis, the first time linguists from Greece worked on the language. My bibliography is on my web site, search for “Mariupolitan [MRP]”.
- Συμεωνίδης, Χ. ϗ Τομπαΐδης, Δ. 1999. Η Σημερινή Ελληνική Διάλεκτος της Ουκρανίας (περιοχής Μαριούπολης). Αθήνα: Επιτροπή Ποντιακών Μελετών.
Zhuravliova and Symeonidis & Tombaidis disagree on two allophones of Mariupolitan.
- Zh reports that Mariupolitan has a central allophone for /i/, [ɨ], which is said to occur “before hard consonants”. S&T aren’t clear what a hard consonant is meant to be (in a Slavic linguistic context, it’s pretty obvious, but I’ll argue that here it ended up circular). At any rate, they did not find the distribution that systematic in her own transcriptions: it’s frequent word-finally. But S&T did not hear [ɨ] when they were surveying Mariupolitan; in fact, they could not hear it in the recordings Zh provided, where she had already transcribed [ɨ].
- Zh reports that /k/ palatalises to [tʲ]: so /kifali/ comes out as [tʲifaʎ]. Again, S&T note the change is not systematic in the transcriptions, and S&T did not hear this in the field or on the tapes: all they heard was /k/. S&T consider whether this is because of Standard Greek influence, but reject it as unrealistic: Standard Greek influence has been limited, especially with the elderly villagers they’ve been dealing with. S&T also call the posited change “peculiar”, and remark that “it is not the purpose of this study to determine the reasons for Zhuravliova’s mishearing.”
That’s an uncollegial thing for them to say, but it’s allowed if it’s what the data says. Still, I’m going to be uncollegial in turn:
- The standard Greek palatalisation of /k/ is to [c], which means that what S&T are hearing is [cifaʎ]. If it was [kifaʎ], they would have mentioned the deviation from Standard Greek as noteworthy: it gets mentioned in studies of Cappadocian Greek.
- There’s not a lot of difference between [tʲ] and [c]. There may be less, since Zh had described her [tʲ] as palatal, not palatalised alveolar—but she does distinguish [tʲ] from [kʲ], so maybe not.
- S&T don’t mention [c] as an alternative to [tʲ]: they dismiss Zh’s phonetics, but aren’t showing the required awareness of phonetics in this case themselves. Talking about just <κ> to refute [tʲ] is lazy.
- The change of /k/ to [c] to [tʲ] is not absurd, and in fact there is a parallel within Greek, in Tsakonian. Tsakonian /k/ has palatalised to [tɕ] while Tsakonian /t/ has palatalised to [c]. So “weather” καιρός /keros/ is in Tsakonian τχαιρέ [tɕere], while “I honour” τιμώ /timo/ is κιμού [cimu]. That means that palatalised /t/ and /k/ have actually swapped places in the palate, with [tɕ] further front than [c].
- And if there is a [ɨ] in Mariupolitan, Greek linguists don’t have a good track record hearing central vowels in their dialects. We only found out Samothrace has [ɨ, ə] in the ’90s, and that only because Katsanis, who discovered it, is a native speaker of Aromanian—a language which unlike Standard Greek has those central vowels.
- Κατσάνης, Ν.Α. 1996. Το γλωσσικό ιδίωμα της Σαμοθράκης. Θεσσαλονίκη: Δήμος Σαμοθράκης.
Two more things. First, why Zh “misheard” (if that’s what’s happened) may not have been of interest to S&T, but it is of interest to me. Second, Zh is not the only person to hear those allophones in Mariupolitan. From the Shevchenko poem I posted before, Kir’jakov writes скутъеты ратлых виглызу /skuθetɨ ratlɨx viɣlɨzu/. He has the palatalisation of /k/ to [tʃ], which S&T noted as occasional (прощину /prostʃinu/), but he also has тен тъэос /tʲen θeos/ (“there is no God”, Pontic ‘κ έν Θεός [kʰ en θeos], Early Modern Greek οὐκ ἔνι Θεός), and тюнурю /tʲunurʲu/ for “new” (Standard Greek καινούργιος [cenurʝos].)
The Mariupolitan of the ’30s, written in phonetic Greek, does not have a distinct letter for [ɨ]: it’s an allophone, and alphabets aren’t normally in the allophone business. But Kostoprav clearly thought he heard [tʲ] too, at least some of the time: from Φλογομινίτρες Σπίθες p. 92, κε ντρυπιαχτικά κρέμαςιν τυ τιφάλτς /ke drupiaxtika kremasin tu tifalts/ “and she hung her head in shame”, Standard Greek και ντροπιασμένα κρέμασε το κεφάλι της /ke dropiasmena kremase to kefali tis/.
As /ke/ “and” shows, the change is hardly systematic; as in Pontic, Mariupolitan has an unfortunate homophony of /ki/ < /ke/ (more frequent for “and”) and /ki/ < /uki/ “not”. Pontic deals with it by aspirating “not” as [kʰi] (and writing it as ‘κι); Mariupolitan seems to deal with it by writing them as ки and ти.
Do they sound different? Is there a distinction made between [ci] or [ki] and [tʲi]? I can’t check Zh’s thesis at the moment, and S&T’s phonology doesn’t tell me, but the transcriptions don’t differentiate them. The orthographic distinction Kir’jakov makes of ки and ти could be artificial of course, but I don’t think they made their <т> up completely.
Assuming that S&T are right, and there is just [c] in Mariupolitan, we should remember that the Mariupolitans are bilingual in Russian now, and many of them already were in the ’30s. A Cyrillic alphabet for Mariupolitan is going to bring with it Russian notions of phonetics, and of palatalisation in particular: Kir’jakov’s Cyrillic alternates between е and э [je, e] and I don’t see a consistent pattern for it—especially when the distinction is carried across to Cyrillic publications of Kostoprav, who originally wrote in phonetic Greek.
So the act of writing down Mariupolitan in the Ukraine filters Mariupolitan phonology though Russian—certainly in Cyrillic, maybe even in Kostoprav’s Greek script, which was after all phonetic. All it takes for the “mishearing” is for Mariupolitan [c] to sound closer to Russian /tʲ/ than to Russian /kʲ/. And I wouldn’t be too harsh on the “mishearing”: S&T didn’t exactly highlight that [k] and [c] are not the same either.
About [ɨ], I’m less certain. Kostoprav doesn’t have it, and wouldn’t have been in a hurry to write down as an allophone (and how would he write it anyway, <η>?) Kir’jakov has it, but S&T can’t hear it though they tried. I suspect this is influence somehow from Russian, with some Mariupolitan dialects picking up the Russian vowel, and applying it haphazardly to their Greek. Zh’s “hard consonants” don’t tell us why, because they’re only hard (unpalatalised) if there’s no [i, j] next to them to begin with in Russian.
Filtering your orthography through the majority language’s ears is nothing now. It’s an uncomfortable fact for linguists working on minority languages. Alphabets normally code just phonemes and not allophones: that’s why Greek dropped its koppa. Linguists work out the phonemic inventory of a language, reuse the spare letters for phonemes not in English, and present coherent well-thought out alphabets to their communities.
But the communities’ priority is not literacy in the minority language: it’s literacy. If the proposed orthography for their language looks confusingly different to the orthography of the majority language they actually need access to, they’ll reject it. Papua New Guinea communities for instance can reject reusing <q> for [ɣ], because that’s not what <q> means in English; and learning to write their tokples shouldn’t be getting in the way of learning to write English (or Tok Pisin).
At any rate, if Kir’jakov thinks Mariupolitan has [ɨ] and [tʲ], then that’s how his texts should be transcribed. [tʲ] is a particular problem for Standard Greek speakers, because it’s so far from their expectation; in transliterating Kostoprav’s poems into Greek, Ioakimidis silently emended them back to <κ>. I didn’t help by transliterating тен тъэос as τ’ έν Θεός; following Pontic ‘κι, I should have written ʼτʼ έν Θεός, but I doubt that would have been clearer.
Oh, and Kir’jakov writing тен “isn’t” as one word? Never trust native speakers on word segmentation. There’s confusion already in his text between н та “with the” and н та “when”.
- (S&T record /min/ > /mi tun/ for “with”, but not /n/; and they record “when” as /an, anda/. So /nda/ for “when” is not “with the”, but a variant of Greek dialectal /onde/ “when”. But native speakers aren’t historical linguists, so they can’t tell when something historically was a single word.
You should see what Tsakonians do to their clitics when they write in the dialect…)
The status of Urum
I’ve already posted about the seesaw in the Soviet Union of the ’30s between Demotic and the indigenous variants of Greek, Pontic and Mariupolitan. As I’ve also mentioned, Greek is not the only language spoken by the ethnic group around Mariupol. A minority instead speak the Turkic language Urum.
A group identifying itself as Greek and Christian but speaking a Turkic language is a challenge to the levelling impulse of modern nationalism—and far from the only one. At the Other Place, I posted what was going to be the lead-in to this post: its maudlin meditations on identity were more appropriate there, and I ended up talking more about the Karamanlides than the Urum anyway. But there’s still some sociolinguistic outcomes of the situation that it’s worth going through here.
Urum is a variant of Crimean Tatar, a language distinct from Tatar and closer to Turkish. The language came with the Greeks from Crimea. The entire ethnic group moved to Mariupol in 1778, invited by Catherine the Great to bolster the local Christian element: the fact that some of the Christians spoke the Muslims’ language obviously wasn’t a concern before modern notions of nationalism.
Crimean Tatar was the “bazaar language” of the Crimea, its language of trade and of dealings between speakers of different languages. One of the main reasons Mariupolitan Greek is so hard to understand for Standard Greek speakers is its profusion of Tatar words. And even though Urum is closer to Turkish than Tatarstan Tatar, it’s still different enough for those loans to sound somewhat off-kilter to Standard Greek speakers, compared to their own loans from Turkish.
How it came to pass that a group of Christians spoke Tatar and followed Greek-speakers to the Ukraine is a question we’re not equipped to answer. The lazy answer is that they were Greek-speakers who switched their language, presumably in villages with a majority Tatar population. There were penalties against switching from Islam, so it is an easier answer than the alternative, that they are Tatar-speakers who switched their religion. Still, it would be foolish to get too precious about notions of Hellenic DNA—especially when we can be reasonably sure there is Gothic blood in the Mariupolitans, with the last (and first) documented speakers of Crimean Gothic switching to Greek, and their bishop in Crimea still being the bishop of Gothia. (It would be foolish to get precious about DNA in general, but that’s a topic for the Other Place.)
The Urums felt Greek enough to move to the Sea of Azov, and they feel Greek enough to call themselves members of the Greek ethnic group (and to call their Turkic Greek: their “Urum” corresponds to the Mariupolitan Greek’s “Rumeyka”). But there was some sense of separateness, because the Urums and Grecophones did not live in the same villages in the Ukraine (18 Grecophone, 15 Urum villages), and E. Perekhval’skaya (whose online description I am using extensively, via Google Translate) thinks that sense was already there in the Crimea.
The Urums’ language was still, to some perspectives, the “wrong language” for Greeks to be speaking. This was not particularly an issue under Ottoman or Russian Imperial rule, when language wasn’t much of an identity determiner anyway. But as I posted in the Other Place, once Turkic speakers find themselves in a Greek nationalist context, they will be pressured to drop Turkic—and the Karamanlides would likely have been all too happy to comply.
The Azov region is not Greek Macedonia; but something did happen during the Springtime of the Nationalities, when the Mariupolitans were cultivating their dialect as a literary language. The presses of Mariupol produced poetry and agitprop and theatre and journalism in Greek; but Urum got nothing. Perekhval’skaya cites a bibliography by S.A. Kaloerov documenting 23 Greek writers; only one wrote in Urum. Wikipedia tentatively mentions just one school primer produced in Urum; that contrasts with full school education in Greek—although unsurprisingly, Demotic Greek, not Mariupolitan.
Even more strikingly, as Pontus And The Left mentions, Mariupolitans carried out a campaign of linguistic purism, to rid Mariupolitan of Russian. We can see that in the translations I put up in the last post: Kir’jakov now renders “Ukraine” as /ukraˈina/, but Kostoprav at the time rendered it as /ukraˈnia/, just as Demotic does. But Elinizatsia was also targeted at ridding Mariupolitan of Tatar elements.
There is a chuckle to be had that the campaign was called Elinizatsia (ελινιζάτσια), which itself is Russian for Hellenisation; but with Russian long the language of literary discourse, I’d be more surprised if they called it Ekselinizmos (εκςελινιζμος). The getting rid of Russian makes sense: it’s asserting their own place in the world, where they hitherto used Russian (and still did for words like Elinizatsia).
But getting rid of Tatar words was about something else. The Urums were a minority (15% in 1926), Tatar wasn’t encroaching on Greek any more the way it had in the Crimea, and the way Russian was now. The advocates of Elinizatsia were working with literary Mariupolitan, and were against adopting Downlander Demotic (as I posted about); so they were supposed to be holding on to what made Mariupolitan distinct from Demotic. But Tatar—which is what makes Mariupolitan most distinct—is not part of that picture.
Vlasis Agtzidis closed his article on the debate between Demotic and Pontic & Mariupolitan with a question: why did the Soviets not encourage the USSR Greeks to adopt a separate ethnicity from the Downlander Greeks, as they did elsewhere during the Springtime? I had some guesses, but what struck me was the short shrift Urum got.
I get it why the Grecophones didn’t want to know about Urum: their nationalism was informed by “language = ethnicity”, by contacts with Greece, and possibly with ambivalence towards the Urums. (I have no idea whether there was hostility, I just know they don’t live in the same villages.) I get it why the Urums would have gone along with it, once “language = ethnicity” notions took hold in the Ukraine.
What I don’t get is, why did the Soviet government go along with it? The Springtime of the Nationalities was all about splittism, raising new national consciousness where there was none before. Sure the Urums didn’t want to be called Urums instead of Greeks; to this day, Perekhval’skaya reports, both Urums and Grecophones are proud their passports say they are ethnic Greeks, and were upset that the Ukraine is getting rid of ethnic labels in passports. But why would the Soviets have listened to them, instead of presuming to know what’s best for them?
I have no idea, and from the two seconds I spent researching the Springtime of the Nationalities on Wikipedia, I can tell there is a huge literature on the topic that I have no intent of getting into, to find out. I can only guess that at least in this instance, where there were no national security angles at stake, the decision-making was more local than I’d assumed.
The lack of pride in Urum has endured. To quote Perekhval’skaya:
It is interesting to note that while the “Hellenic” language is an important factor in Rumeic [Grecophone] ethnic identity and has a high prestige in the eyes of the Greek population of the Azov region, Urum is not such a factor (or is to a much lesser extent), and has substantially less prestige.
[…]
Unlike Rumeic, the Urum (Turkic) language does not have symbolic value as a marker of national identity. It seems connected to this that to date, the degree of preservaton is significantly lower than the relative safety of the Rumeic Greek language in the Sea of Azov. In the Urum village Mangush we could not find a single person who could translate the linguistic form, which Rumeic-speaking Greeks coped with easily. That is, the language shift among the Urum-speaking Greeks has gone much further, and this language is really threatened with extinction. The situation with the Greek Urums of Azov is typologically similar to the ethno-linguistic situation of the Turkic-speaking Greeks living in eastern Georgia.
Not that Rumeic is so much better off. Symeonides & Tompaides in their 1995 survey found old speakers in the villages struggling to produce Rumeic. Perekhval’skaya is more sanguine about claims of the death of Mariupolitan, which has been predicted for the past 150 years. But she admits it is no longer a language of daily communication, and its domains are severely restricted, to daily banalities or even just formulaic conversation-starters—a story very familiar in accounts of language death.
(She also concurs the real risk is from the Greek government sending Standard Greek teachers over, displaying the sensitivity to organic linguistic heritage and diversity that one would expect from the Greek government. Admittedly Symeonides & Tompaides, who were doing fact-finding for the government, think the dialect is so far gone, education in the dialect would not help anyway.)
- Συμεωνίδης, Χ. ϗ Τομπαΐδης, Δ. 1999. Η Σημερινή Ελληνική Διάλεκτος της Ουκρανίας (περιοχής Μαριούπολης). Αθήνα: Επιτροπή Ποντιακών Μελετών.
One thing has changed though. The ’30s Mariupolitans ignored Urum as far as I know. The ’90s Mariupolitans celebrated it. I have three volumes of literature published by Mariupolitans—though in Donetsk and Kiev, not Mariupol; they are all mostly in Mariupolitan Greek (and the Mariupolitan is mostly Kir’jakov’s), but they all feature Urum from Valerii Kior as well. Kir’jakov and Kior also worked together on an Ukrainian–Rumeic–Urum phrasebook, whose cover picture (sorry I don’t have a colour copy) is… well, it’s something:
- Кирьяков, Л.Н. (ed.) 1988. Пирнэшу Астру: Стихя, пиимата, дъыимата. Донецк: Донбас.
- Кирьяков, Л.Н. (ed.) 1989. Пирнэшу Астру: Стихя, пиимата, дъыимата, хурато, паримия, аинигмата. Донецк: Донбас.
- Шевченко, Т. 1993. Кобзар: Билыгмена пиимата пас та румейка ки урумика глоссис. Схиматыстыс: Кирьяковс, Л. Київ: Український письменник.
- Мороз, Г.А., Кир’яков, Л.Н., Кіор, В.І. 1993. Українсько-Грецкий Розмовник (Українська, румейська, урумська мови). Донецьк: Донбас.
What has changed? I don’t know, but as I speculated at The Other Place, both languages are now dying, and the encroachment of Russian means Tatar is no longer sensibly a threat to Greek, but a fellow victim. Kir’jakov was a schoolchild during the Springtime (born 1919); he may not have taken in the purist rhetoric that his teachers did, though he is only 16 years younger than Kostoprav. And as Perekhval’skaya dryly notes, “literary Rumeic is confined, unfortunately, to a small number of enthusiasts”. The rapprochement with Urum may likewise be a matter of a small number of enthusiasts; most Mariupolitans may not even know there’s an issue.
I don’t know if Urums have got in touch with other speakers of Crimean Tatar—which is alive and kicking as a literary language back in Crimea. That would involve seeking out a Roofing Langauge (Dachsprache) that has nothing to do with Greek, and I still can’t imagine the Urums take enough pride in their Crimean Tatar to align it to a more standard version. Kior’s ad hoc Cyrillic, with <о’ у’> for Latin <ö ü> or Turkic Cyrillic <ү ө>, simply means they did not have access to Turkic-specific typography in Donetsk or Kiev. (This was still 1993.) Would they have the motivation to seek out more standard Tatar typography now? Is there any activity in producing Urum literature now at all? I don’t know.
If they do meet with their fellow speakers of Crimean Tatar, it will likely be awkward, like the meetings of Vlachs from Greece and Vlachs from elsewhere in the Balkans are. Too much separation in identity to work through. Anecdotally, the Greek Vlach approach to dealing with the separation in identity in get-togethers, though what I like to call the Grkoman Syllogism, backfires. (“We speak Vlach. We are Greek. You also speak Vlach. Argal, You’re Actually Greek. And you will appreciate us telling you so.”)
I can’t imagine how such a meeting with their linguistic kin would go for Urums. For all I know, twenty years on, there’s noone confident enough in their Urum to go.
Shevchenko in Mariupolitan and Urum
The following are translations of Taras Shevchenko’s Testament into Mariupolitan Greek and Urum. They appeared in 1993 side by side, in a volume of (mostly Greek) translations of Shevchenko, the Ukraine’s national poet.
The texts appeared in Cyrillic—including Kostoprav’s abridged translation, which would originally have appeared in the Soviet phonetic Greek alphabet. The transliterations into (sort of) Greek historical orthography and Turkic Latin (again, sort of) are mine. As standard in Mariupolitan Cyrillic, дъ тъ are δ θ, ти corresponds to palatalised κι, and the typically Slavic central vowel ы appears; I’ve transliterated it in Greek as <ɨ>. Greek linguists don’t believe the latter two phonetic phenomena are real, and there’ll be a separate post about that.
The Urum doesn’t quite come out looking like Crimean Tatar: I can’t tell where <ğ> has gone, and <ä> is new. (I’m confused from the comparison with Tatarstan Tatar on whether they actually have the same vowels, including <ä>.)
There will be more on the sociolinguistics of Urum; the publication these appeared in are in fact part of that story.
Mariupolitan Greek: Georgii Kostoprav (†1937) | |
---|---|
Вісият
Ан путъену—сикусет-ме (25 ту дъэкември 1845, | Βισιιάτ
Αν πουθαίνου—σήκουσετ’ με (25 του Δεκέμβρη 1845, |
[Shevchenko, Taras. 1993. Кобзар. Билыгмена пиимата пас та румейка ки урумика глоссис . [Kobzar: Selected poems in the Rumeic and Urum languages.] Ed. Kir’jakov, Leontii. Kiev: Україньский письменник. p. 174] | |
Mariupolitan Greek: Leontii Kir’jakov | |
Висият
Ан путъану, парахосит (25 ту дъекември 1845 | Βισιιάτ
Αν πουθάνου, παραχώσιτ’ (25 του Δεκέμβρη 1845, |
[Shevchenko, Taras. 1993. Кобзар. Билыгмена пиимата пас та румейка ки урумика глоссис . [Kobzar: Selected poems in the Rumeic and Urum languages.] Ed. Kir’jakov, Leontii. Kiev: Україньский письменник. p. 175] | |
Urum: Valeri Kior | |
Сонти лаф
Мен о’льсем, мены го’мерсыз, (25 декабырин 1845 | Sonti laf
Men öl’sem, menı gömersız, (25 dekabırin 1845 |
[Shevchenko, Taras. 1993. Кобзар. Билыгмена пиимата пас та румейка ки урумика глоссис . [Kobzar: Selected poems in the Rumeic and Urum languages.] Ed. Kir’jakov, Leontii. Kiev: Україньский письменник. p. 176] | |
Ukrainian: Taras Shevchenko | English: John Weir |
Заповіт
Як умру, то поховайте 25 декабря 1845 [Cited in Brama.com] | Testament
When I am dead, bury me 25 December 1845, Pereiaslav Translated in Toronto, 1961 |